The following paper came from my mother when she was on a psychology course in the early eighties, and has sat around in my files ever since. In September 1998 I had some time and so decided to scan it in and check it out. I sent the following e-mail to Loyola University Medical Centre
I was handed a copy of a paper entitled 'A study of the activity, ethology and psychology of fluorescent plastic cubes' by C L Scudder (1976) at 'Institute for the study of mind, drugs and behaviour, Loyola University Medical Centre, 2160 S First Avenue, Maywood, Ill 60153. I was trying to find out if this is the real accreditation for this paper, or if this is as much spoof as the article itself
to which I got the following reply:
I'm unable to locate a CL Scudder here at the medical centre currently, and we don't have an institute by that name. It would be difficult for us to determine the authenticity of something from 1976 without more information. Sorry we couldn't be of more help.
Jacqueline LaSota
Director, Public Relations and WWW Marketing Department
Loyola University Health System
I can not therefore vouch for it's origin or authenticity, and in the scanning process the spell checker has also changed the words from US English to UK English, otherwise it is a faithful reproduction of the document I was handed. If the real author wishes to stand up I will of course give full accreditation to them
David M Walker
September 1998
A new point of view regarding the behaviour of richly connected systems is expressed. The data suggest that there are errors caused by the dogmatic separation of scientific disciplines and strongly favours a metagoal of trans-cultural, trans-world unity of science.
This laboratory has been engaged for many years in studies on mouse behaviour. (1)(2) A serious, no-nonsense consideration of the concepts on which our behavioural, theories were based promoted the investigation reported here. In our everyday conversations in the laboratory we had a natural enough tendency to let the concepts of our professed field (behaviour) soul over to our descriptions of the behaviour of "inanimate" things; and we found ourselves deep in information theory, systems theory, Gestalt theory, etc. when we tried to establish the validity of the assumptions underlying our initial points of view and to pin-point the rationale behind the classical constructs of animal psychology which we used to speak about the mice under investigation. (3) We came to view the organism as a behavioural system which mirrored aspects of the environmental reality; and we began to wonder which was the reflection of which, e.g., did the adaptive intelligent animal reflect the environ-ment or did the environment reflect the animal? Feedback apparently was involved in the simplest motor act. The mice acted upon things as a result of things acting upon them; and the stimulus was modified by the actions of the mouse-actions which it (the stimulus) caused. An on-going developmental situation existed for which there was neither a be-ginning nor an end but rather, in most cases, there was a dyadic relation-ship as follows:

A is an event (or series of events) of a system external to the mouse and affecting it, and B is an event (or series of events) within the mouse affecting the other system so as to modify A.
The experiments reported here were conceived with only a slight change in reference or point of view. This change in reference seemed reasonable because it appeared to us that there was only a convention directing us; and, possibly, new insights would be gained if we ignored our conventional, egocentric, Judeo-Christian philosophy. The philosophy treats the world as divided into animate and inanimate objects and main-tains itself by rigorously indoctrinating us from infancy that this dichotomy has some validity. The validity is enforced by suitable separation of terminologies, concepts, and hypotheses in use in separate disciplines studying one or the other category.
We jokingly referred to our studies as the founding of a new science - "cubology," the study of the behaviour of cubes in a complex organic medium. After we began our research and discovered that this was indeed a new science, we began to worry about its implication. In what way were the conclusions which we reached more silly and irrelevant than those of scientific, behavioural, life sciences orthodoxy? The measure-ments are accurate and valid. The hypotheses are simple, clear, and not devious; but the overall implications are alarming in that the principles and the logic of cubology are those of economics, sociology, psychology, or any of the model-constructing sciences of the artificial.
All cubes were impregnated with flourescene which was activated strongly by a dark light of 385 nillimicrons and emitted fluorescent light at 435 millimicrons. The latter radiation could be recorded by means of a camera as described below.
At the beginning of each experiment 34,560 cubes were admitted to the chamber described below and placed equidistant from one another on the floor.
Experiments were run using control, light, heavy , large and small cubes. Some experiments were also run using an equally distributed population of the three differently weighed cubes or the three different sized cubes. Mixture of weighted and sized cubes were not studied. The experi-ments were essentially simple in concept, although very tedious to execute.
From the motion pictures of each experiment, measurements were taken; and three basic kinds of behaviour were studied: activity, ethology or social behaviour and psychology. The qualitative difference between these behaviour and the effects of changing the two parameters of weight and size on these three behaviour are reported in the results section below.
The average daily psychomotor activity taken from ten studies of control cubes is shown in Figure 1. There is a clear indication that the cubes become increasingly frenzied until around the fifth day at which time the overall daily activity settles down to what might be considered the energy level of the total population of controls. The activity of the first five days is the orienting reflex.
Figure 2 shows a more detailed hour by hour analysis of an average day's activity from such studies. Data from the first five days' activity or orientation period have been withheld from this analysis. The cubes show two distinct peaks of activity - one at 8.00 pm. and another at 4.00 a.m. Night time activities average considerably higher than those during the day when cubes appear to rest.
The size of the aggregates varies, but the average aggregate of ten experiments was composed of 130 cubes (S.E. ± 27). Aggregates of the cubes wander as "tribes" one cube following the other, about the cage floor; and they may settle or disperse. The cubes did not often show "cueing" behaviour, the usual effect was that one cube would leave a tribe and settle somewhere. It would then communicate with others of its group and cause them to follow and settle nearby, sometimes a tribe was seen to divide into several aggregates or one may coalesce with another forming larger stable communities.
The cube aggregates present fascinating parallels to human colonies or civilizations. After the fifth day the tribes have stabilized to certain regions of the cage floor and the attractions among unit cubes of each tribe seem more enduring. We have observed, however, on rare occasions, sudden, unexplained activity on the part of the cubes to form new social relation-ships and new tribes after a period of inactivity by the members of the group. This begins when one member ventures out and this act promotes a rapid following by the rest of the herd, one at a time. It appears that there is some kind of seeding or catalytic effect in that if a little group gets together, it forms the nucleus for the organization or accumulation of other cubes to form a larger aggregate. There appears also to be a "law of exponential aggregation" in that once a small society is formed, there is an increasingly rapid rate of accretion until some optimum size is reached after which activity among the involved cubes ceases. Some cubes were observed to oscillate, to not settle down at one place or another. Such cubes showed frenzied activity and instability. It is interesting that these were the cubes which most often ceased their restless search only after they had achieved some unusual or improbable position in the cage and were therefore often the more intelligent.
Either increasing or decreasing the weights lessened the likelihood of intelligent behaviour. Increasing or decreasing the size lessened the likelihood of intelligent behaviour. In other words it would appear that in the case of either size or weight there had to be a critical amount of plastic present for the generation of mood and complex behavioural stratagems. There was a non-linear complexity involved here. In spite of our clear definition of intelligence in terms of the behaviour of the cubes (their readiness to form complex associations) the internal factors responsible for their behavioural traits in this matter have escaped us. Why should the removal of a small plug of material from the centre of the cube render it more stupid. Why should a different bodily dimension cause either sluggish, unimaginative or hyperactive, unstable behaviour?
Some comment must be made in regard to the results presented here. Although the experiment is unconventional, the data are sound. The cubes behave under these conditions in the manner presented here. They show social aggregation, negentropy increase, diurinal rhythm, etc. These behaviours are made no less remarkable if it is noted that it would not be so to a different environment. This is true of all behaviours.
When we investigate some aspect of the universe, the way we sub-divide the system is arbitrary (4) and a matter of convention and convenience. Things are identified by their looseness of coupling with other things or by degrees of decomposition (5) Much of this depends on mechanistic assumptions of causation.
It is necessary in this discussion to digress for just a moment and consider an interesting phenomenon of mathematics. This is necessary because in science, once we establish our categories and our variables, the rest is mathematics. Let us consider the mathematical properties of the surface of a sphere. From measurements made on the surface a consistent set of relationships can be worked out, all describing the surface; these measurements even indicate a property called curvature while telling nothing of what is inside and outside or of a third dimension. The measurements or pointer readings provide a discipline and knowledge about intrinsic properties of the sphere's surface, properties present in the information gathered at the surf ace. In science we deal with a three dimensional world. Measurements of this physical space also indicate curvature as one of its intrinsic properties (6). We measure and draw our proofs from this intrinsic information because acme tell us that by definition space is everything and everywhere. The universe has no extrinsic properties, we can know of none, we can conceive no fourth dimension.
Yet obviously, contrary to the above doctrine we all know of something extrinsic to the mathematical systems of physical science. We know we are conscious (or something!) - our thoughts, our intelligence, our being we know. They are extrinsic to our present scientific paradigms. The words to express conscience and its qualities are inadequate because words suggest things - space occupying things with dimension and duration; and "they" are not of this substance. "They are extrinsic to physical reality and in that sense do not exist. But this suggests there may be a discrepancy in how we are handling our thinking about reality.
How is a dyadic or higher order feedback relationship to be studied or divided in regard to behaviour? Many of our sciences may be blind to this problem. Do the men cause the ghettos or do the ghettos produce the men? Does a family constellation cause the psychotic or does the psychotic promote the family constellation? Did society evolve the brain or does the brain create society? Who is the controller and by when controlled? Where is the stimulus If it can be traced back to the creature which is stimulated? What point of view, what hypothesis, what demon or ghost has the greatest validity in regard to a systems approach to behaviour?
We may be leaving out something in our world view and in our scientific dogma (7) We did not consider the mice in our cubology; they were extrinsic to the cubes part of the environment. In studying the behaviour of men and their affairs and artifacts we find a lot that resembles the cubes. Are we leaving something out? Is something important extrinsic to our data?
It is perhaps impossible for the straight-jacketed minds of pure scientists to consider the revolutionary import of this attitude; but those who, along with their being scientists are also philosophers, or, more importantly, sorcerers, understand the depths and dangers it portends to us and our society. (9)

Figure 1: Mean daily psychomotor activity of a control cube population. The ordinate represents the percent mean activity index obtained by averaging the five minute activities of ten populations for each day of a typical control study and expressing this as a percent of the highest daily (24 hour) activity shown by any of the populations throughout the study. The abcissa is time in days.

Figure 2: An average 24-hour activity record showing the diurnal effect. The ordinate in this case is the mean percent activity computed on an hourly basis for ten studies. The records for the first five days of these studies were not averaged because of the orientation reflex (Pig. 1). The abscissa represents time in hours.
Chart 1
| THE EFFECT OF SIZE ON PSYCHOMOTOR ACTIVITY | ||
| Small | 37.0 ± 0.8 | |
| Orienting Reflex | Control | 17.3 ± 0.2 |
| Large | 4.2 ± 0.7 | |
| Small | 30.3 ± 0.3 | |
| Daily Activity | Control | 12.7 ± 0.1 |
| Large | 2.7 ± 1.2 | |
This chart indicates the mean counts/hour value (± SEM) of the psychomotor activity during the first five days of the study (orientation reflex) and the mean daily activity (± SEM) for the remainder of the study. It can be seen that the smaller cubes are generally more active and reactive compared with the control and larger cubes. The differences bet en the behaviours of the treated cubes and the control cube behaviours here always significant P < 0.05 and in some cases were highly significant.
Chart 2
| Small | 23.9 ± 0.3 | |
| Orienting Reflex | Control | 16.4 ± 0.6 |
| Large | 14.2 ± 0.3 | |
| Small | 20.3 ± 0.2 | |
| Daily Activity | Control | 12.3 ± 0.2 |
| Large | 9.9 ± 0.8 |
This chart indicates the mean, counts per hour value (± SEM) of the psychomotor activity during the first five days of the study (Orienting reflex) and the mean daily activity (± SEM for the remainder of the study. It can be seen that the lighter cubes are generally more active and reactive compared with the control and heavier cubes, The difference from control value all achieved P<0.05.
The Worm Runner's Digest
Vol. 15, No. 1, Dec. 1973, 122-126
which was in turn also published in
Systems and Management Annual
1975, C. West Churchman Ed.,
Petrocelli/Charter, N.Y. 511-518.
2. Scudder, C.L., Avery, D. and Karczmar, A.G.
Study of avoidance conditioning in five genera and strains of mice.
Agressologia 10; 135-144, 1969.
3. Scudder, CL.
The Mind: An Evolving System of Models. In Fields Within Fields Within Fields,
Julius Stedman, Ed. 14: 49-53, Winter, 1975.
4. Ashby, W.R.
Design for a brain.
London: Chapman and Hall, 1952.
5. Glassman, R.E.
Persistence and loose couping in living systems.
Behavioural Science, 18(2), 83-98, 1973
6. Callahan, J.J
The curvature of Space in a Finite Universe;
Sci. Amer. Vol. 235 90-100. 1976
7. Scudder, C.L.
On the Environmental Mind.
Systems and Management Science Annual, C. West Churchman, Editor. pg. 5-15. 1975
8. Scudder, C.L.
Mindless Meaning, Meaningless Mind.
Perspectives In Biology and Medicine, 19(4), 533-536, 1976
9. Scudder, C.L. Kelipoth,
in World Union, Vol. XVI, No. 7, 2-16, 1976